Chinese Premier Li Qiang has arrived in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, to attend the 22nd Meeting of the Council of Heads of Government of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Member States from October 24 to 27. Established in 2001, the SCO currently has nine member countries: China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India, Pakistan, and Iran.

The positive political and economic relations between China and Central Asia are worth noting. On May 19, leaders from China and five Central Asian countries, namely Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan met in Xi'an, in China's Shaanxi province, for the first inaugural summit to strengthen their friendship further and commit to the principles of mutual assistance, joint development, universal security, and eternal friendship.

The parties agreed to deepen mutual trust and provide clear and robust support to each other on issues of sovereignty, independence, national dignity, and long-term development. It marks a significant breakthrough in their relations and sets a solid foundation for future cooperation.

Economic relations between the countries are also thriving. For example, in recent years, there has been a significant increase in mutual trade and investment. Despite a decline in the global economy, China's trade with the five Central Asian countries surged by 40 percent year-on-year, reaching $70.2 billion in 2022. Most likely, this result will be exceeded this year.

During the meeting of heads of government in Bishkek, the progress in implementing the decisions reached at the 23rd meeting of the Council of Heads of State of the SCO will be discussed. The delegations will focus on strategies and practical measures for cooperation in regional security, economics, trade, communications, and people-to-people exchange.

It is well known that the SCO is an increasingly important global player. However, what does the future hold for the organization, and how important is the SCO for the development of Central Asia? When considering ways to strengthen organizations, the BRICS serves as a good example due to its similarities to the SCO. Both share the commonality of having China, Russia, and India, the world's major developing countries, as their backbone. At the same time, these organizations differ in their mandates, the most important of which is that the SCO is entrusted with the task of ensuring regional security.

As announced during the 15th BRICS Summit in August 2023, the member countries have invited six emerging countries, namely Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, to join, and their full membership is expected to take effect on January 1, 2024.

Many analysts are currently wondering if the SCO will expand as well. The SCO aims to ensure regional security, so potential new members will likely be in Eurasia or nearby. This can be seen from the list of countries affiliated with the organization.

The SCO currently has three non-voting observer members – Mongolia, Belarus, and Afghanistan. Besides, it has 14 dialogue partners, including, Türkiye, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Qatar, Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Myanmar, United Arab Emirates, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Cambodia, and the Maldives. It is likely that several countries on this list may become full members of SCO.

With Iran becoming a full member of the organization this year, the possibility of the Persian Gulf countries joining the SCO is becoming more realistic. Moreover, the recent improvement in the relations between Iran and its Arab neighbors adds possibility to their full membership in the SCO. If this does happen, it will radically change the security architecture throughout the Middle East. A new powerful regional player will emerge in the region, whose views and priorities differ from Western-centric ones.

With the strengthening of the SCO and the BRICS, there is a growing perception that developing nations are consolidating their power and looking to build their future independently. Many emerging countries are increasingly aware of their growing influence and are building mutual trust. Notably, they are not actively involved in bolstering the Western-centric institutions.

Strengthening the role and influence of the SCO as a powerful and global international organization will undoubtedly benefit the Central Asian nations. As the organization's authority grows, the countries' importance as global players will greatly increase. Despite their limited economic and political power, their position as founding members of the SCO and strategic location at the center of Eurasia will expand their influence on global affairs.